The Economic and Environmental Arguments for and Agains Rapid Urbanizatio in the Developing Worlg

Research on urban stream ecology has been limited largely to urban areas in temperate climate zones in relatively wealthy countries (Walsh et al. 2005, Gao et al. 2013, Ramírez et al. 2014). This torso of piece of work has identified many mutual effects of urbanization on lotic ecosystems, collectively termed the urban stream syndrome (Meyer et al. 2005). However, we remain relatively ignorant of the effects of urbanization on the structure and office of and the ecosystem services provided past streams in impoverished urban regions of the globe. Many characteristics of the urban stream syndrome—flashier hydrographs, higher concentrations of nutrients and toxicants, altered aqueduct morphology and stability, reduced species richness, and ascendant tolerant species (Walsh et al. 2005)—likewise are predicted to occur in urban streams in lower-income countries (Ramírez et al. 2014). Even so, differences in patterns and histories of economical development and urbanization may produce important contrasts in the expression of urban stream syndrome between higher- and lower-income countries (Booth et. al 2016, Hale et al. 2016, Parr et al. 2016).

Urban streams provide valuable ecosystem services including heat reduction, flood control, and recreational areas (Meyer et al. 2005). In lower-income countries, urban streams likewise are used for minor-calibration or recreational fishing, sources of edifice materials (east.chiliad., sand, gravel), and water for irrigation and household uses (Corcoran et al. 2010). Unplanned settlements characterized by substandard living conditions (hereafter called slums) are common in all cities. Nonetheless, slums are of special business organization in cities undergoing rapid urbanization in lower-income economies, where they oft are characterized by limited access to drinking h2o and sewerage considering rates of infrastructure development typically lag behind rates of urban expansion (Moe and Rheingans 2006, Corcoran et al. 2010). Therefore, upstream reaches of urban watersheds may part as sources of water for household utilize (Fewtrell et al. 2005, Ali 2010), while downstream reaches collect and move rest wastewater (Parkinson and Marking 2005). In regions where drinking-water shortages are common, urban streams take the potential to provide an of import alternative source of water (Niemczynowicz 1999). Nevertheless, projections for many watersheds indicate that major increases in industrial and sewage pollution will occur in the next few decades (Corcoran et al. 2010), and these increases volition threaten the long-term sustainability of services provided by urban streams in lower-income countries.

The purpose of this BRIDGES article is to hash out patterns of urbanization and their effects on freshwater resources of lower-income countries (Table 1; World Depository financial institution 2015). In particular, we volition: 1) describe patterns in economical evolution and environmental degradation and pollution, 2) highlight particularities of urbanization and h2o resources, 3) discuss some of the human-health risks associated with urban watersheds in lower-income countries, and four) identify some challenges and opportunities working in urban streams in lower-income economies presents for freshwater scientists.

Table one.

Income categories classified by the World Bank. Monetary units are in US$ (World Depository financial institution 2015).

Classification	Examples	Per capita gross national income
Depression-income economies	Bangladesh, Republic of haiti, Tanzania	≤$1045
Lower-middle-income economies	Indonesia, Nicaragua, India	$1046–4125
Upper-middle-income economies	Brazil, China, United mexican states	$4126–12,745

Economic evolution, ecology deposition, and pollutants in fresh waters

Many investigators accept postulated that every bit an economy develops, environmental deposition initially increases and and then decreases, such that the shape of the relationship between economic development and environmental deposition takes the form of an inverted U-shaped curve (i.e., the environmental Kuznets curve [EKC]; Grossman and Krueger 1991, 1995, Munasinghe 1999, Dinda 2004; Fig. 1). Proponents maintain that the EKC trajectory is inevitable with increasing economic development, merely expectations of the EKC are based upon 3 chief assumptions that may not apply to environmental conditions in urban watersheds.

Figure ane.

Predicted relationships between environmental deposition and economic growth.

The i^st assumption is that all pollutants volition respond similarly to economic development. Much of the original research on the EKC was based on air pollutants (e.chiliad., Ederington 2007, Stern 2007, Levinson 2009), merely pollutants in aquatic systems may not behave similar air pollutants (Hettige et al. 1998, 2000, Dodds et al. 2013; Fig. 1). This difference might be partially owing to environmental externalities—consequences of commercial activities that affect other parties and the environment, merely are not reflected in the cost of production. Levinson (2008) found that pollutants with local effects (eastward.g., fecal coliform, indoor air quality) began improving at lower incomes, whereas pollutants with widely dispersed furnishings (e.g., C emissions) tended to begin improving at higher incomes or did not decline with increasing economic evolution (due east.g., Hettige et al. 1998; Fig. one).

A 2^nd assumption is that once improvement begins, the trajectory is reliable and improvement volition keep. Nonetheless, high gross national income may lead to increases in pollution associated with higher rates of resource consumption and subsequent waste generation, thereby converting the U-shaped EKC to an North-shaped bend (Arrow et al. 1995, Dinda 2004; Fig. 1). Simultaneously, trade liberalization policies, characteristics of freshwater pollutants, and the higher consumption rates in wealthier countries may produce novel evolution and environmental degradation pathways in watersheds of lower-income countries (Vörösmarty et al. 2010, Dodds et al. 2013).

The EKC besides is based on the assumption that increasing development and establishment of trade relationships will convalesce poverty for increasing proportions of the population. Still, in do, development strategies and merchandise relationships in developing countries may exacerbate poverty-related pollution considering they frequently are designed to increase the upper-case letter of the wealthy in a given economy and atomic number 82 to increased economic disparity and larger percentages of people living in poverty (Tobey 1989, Beckerman 1992). In addition, the EKC does not account for adoption of less stringent environmental standards to gain or preserve competitiveness for international business organization after the liberalization of trade. This practice may exacerbate environmental degradation (Daly 1993, Asici 2013).

A chief method used in college-income countries to reduce costs associated with development-related pollution and threats to h2o security has been to move certain industries (eastward.g., types of manufacturing) to lower-income countries that lack the environmental policies, political will, or infrastructure to regulate pollution (Stern et al. 1996, Ederington 2007). For instance, Cathay has absorbed many industrial activities that threatened the quality of Us domestic freshwater resources (Liu and Diamond 2005). Similarly, researchers take questioned whether the N American Free Merchandise Agreement (NAFTA) transferred some of the USA's pollution burden to United mexican states (Grossman and Krueger 1991, Ederington 2007). After NAFTA, lower environmental standards did result in increased concentrations of factories along the Usa–Mexico border that accept been linked to increased environmental damage and wellness bug in Mexico (Asici 2013), but the cyberspace effects on pollution are in question (Domínguez-Villalobos and Chocolate-brown-Grossman 2007). Exporting pollution outside national borders has been commonplace, but such opportunities are condign more than limited. Few countries are willing to take new, pollution-intensive industries. Therefore, many lower-income countries supporting pollution-intensive industries are now forced to address environmental problems or alive with the negative consequences of environmental degradation (Stern et al. 1996, Stern 2007).

Urbanization and water infrastructure in lower-income economies

Urbanization is occurring at much faster rates in lower-income than in higher-income countries (McMichael 2000). Grimm et al. (2008) argued that >95% of the internet increment in global population volition be in cities in the developing world. By 2030, ∼60% of the population of lower-income economies will live in urban areas (Cohen 2006). Human being migration to urban centers in lower-income economies is driven by industrialization, food insecurity in rural areas, refuge from political disharmonize or environmental impairment, and opportunities for employment (McMichael 2000).

The resulting increased population densities may have large negative consequences for urban watersheds because cities in lower-income countries frequently lack appropriate infrastructure to convey sewage or drinking water (McMichael 2000). Though progress has been made toward the United Nations (UN) Millennium Development Goals, 900 million people still alive without access to safe drinking water and 2.6 billion do not have access to bones sanitation (WHO/UNICEF 2010). The problem is particularly astute in the poorest neighborhoods in urban centers in lower-income countries where people tend to have much less access to basic services than in higher-income countries (Cohen 2006). Existing water infrastructure in developing regions may be aging, outdated, or inadequate, and challenged by bereft funding, applied science, and trained personnel to manage water and sewerage systems (Corcoran et al. 2010). In many slums, the lack of water and user-pay systems for communal toilets has driven people to extreme measures. For case, the term "flying toilet" was coined in the Kibera slums of Nairobi, Kenya, to describe the plastic bags used to dispose of human feces. The flying toilets are thrown onto roofs for disposal and pose serious risks to human being health, especially during the wet season when rainfall converts the waste into contaminated runoff (Corcoran et al. 2010).

In the absence of adequate waste matter-management policies/infrastructure, people frequently come into contact with a wide variety of pollutants, including sewage, vectors of disease, and organic chemicals (Cohen 2006, Isunju et al. 2011), and ultimately, pollution loads from slums impair the structure and function of urban streams in the developing earth (Kulabako et al. 2007, Nyenje et al. 2010, 2014, Isunju et al. 2011). Moreover, the rate at which households are continued to sewerage systems typically exceeds the rate of construction of wastewater treatment facilities in the developing world (i.e., sewerage systems are not ever continued to wastewater treatment facilities; McMichael 2000, Bouwman et al. 2005, Corcoran et al. 2010). Therefore, increased water infrastructure (i.e., sewerage) does non directly translate into reductions of untreated sewage effluent flowing into urban watersheds.

Human being health risks associated with urban watersheds in lower-income economies

Urban streams receive big quantities of wastewater delivered intentionally or inadvertently; the UN estimated that ∼90% of wastewater in developing countries is discharged directly into rivers without treatment (Un-H2o 2008). For example, the fecal coliform count in the Yamuna River in New Delhi, Republic of india, was 3000× times college downstream than upstream of the city (Chaplin 1999, McMichael 2000). The pollution burden in the Yamuna also includes twenty 1000000 liters of industrial effluent discharged in the same stream reach (McMichael 2000). Nevertheless, New Delhi regularly faces water shortages, and untreated water from the Yamuna is used as a source of water for urban residents (McMichael 2000).

The practice of reuse of h2o exported from urban areas is a global phenomenon, especially in barren and h2o-stressed regions where the entire flow during the dry season might be composed of wastewater returns (Raschid-Emerge and Jayakody 2008). Reuse of untreated wastewater for irrigated agronomics creates another pathway by which humans can exist exposed to heavy metals, pesticides, and microbial contaminants through consumption of tainted vegetables and food products (Raschid-Sally and Jayakody 2008, Corcoran et al. 2010).

Inadequate drinking water and sanitation infrastructure exacerbate health risks in urban centers. Urban residents tend to take better access to h2o-related services than their rural counterparts, just much of the population growth is in slums, where inhabitants are confronted with limited local water availability and high costs of h2o relative to income (Dill and Crow 2014). Collectively, water-, sanitation-, and hygiene-related diseases, including diarrhea, caused ii 1000000 deaths and 4 billion incidents of disease worldwide in 2012 (UNICEF/WHO 2012). Contaminated urban h2o is a major source of disease from bacterial and viral pathogens and musquito-borne illnesses (Monath 1994, Crump et al. 2004, Achee et al. 2015). For example, retention of water on the mural to mitigate flashy flows or to maintain flows during dry out periods in more arid environments can have the unintended upshot of creating habitat for affliction-transmitting musquito populations (Angel and Joshi 2008, Irwin et al. 2008). Managers attempting to mitigate negative effects of the urban stream syndrome on ecosystem structure and part in lower-income countries also must consider the potential consequences of human exposure to pollutants and pathogens.

Challenges to applying the urban stream syndrome to streams in lower-income countries

Climate is an important driver of stream responses to urbanization because it regulates the hydrological regime, the volume of runoff, and the movement of contaminants into streams (Hale et al. 2016). Climates of lower-income countries span a wide range of atmospheric condition, thereby creating a wide range of scenarios as to how climate may influence stream responses to urbanization in the developing world. In barren environments (e.g., The Arab Republic of Egypt, Mongolia), urban streams receive relatively little runoff. Thus, urban pollutants may have longer residence times, subjecting human populations to greater exposure to dangerous chemicals (Corcoran et al. 2010, Silva et al. 2011, Bayram et al. 2013). In dissimilarity, wetter tropical and subtropical environments (eastward.thousand., Honduras, Thailand) might provide sufficient runoff to export pollutants downstream and abroad from resident human being populations continuously. Given overall climate-alter predictions of increased variability in rainfall for many tropical areas (Neelin et al. 2006), pollutant loads might vary profoundly over a year for any item urban stream (e.g., Bayram et al. 2013). Scientists conducting research in urban systems across climate gradients in college-income countries should apply their piece of work to systems in lower-income countries. Partnerships between enquiry institutions actively engaged in urban environmental research and international-help groups, such every bit United nations-H2o, may prove to be an effective manner to gain a meliorate understanding of the threats to urban watersheds and to quantify the critical services they provide to marginalized human populations.

The metrics currently used to quantify urbanization and the subsequent changes in ecosystem services provided by urban watersheds generate boosted complication in applying the urban stream syndrome globally. In the developing globe, particular challenges include: 1) accordingly defining urban areas, 2) accurately predicting urban population growth, and iii) defining globally applicative metrics to measure the furnishings of urbanization on watersheds. Authentic population estimates can exist exceptionally hard to obtain for many urban centers in lower-income economies. Despite global increases in urbanization rates, the definition of what constitutes an urban area is highly mutable (Frey and Zimmer 2001). Depending on the metric used—such every bit population size, population density, or administrative criteria (eastward.g., nonagricultural employment; Biswas 2006)—the size of an urban centre can vary widely from country to state. For case, in Ethiopia an urban centre contains >2000 people, whereas areas in Benin must have >x,000 occupants to be classified as urban (Cohen 2006). Country-specific definitions for urban areas too influence the ability to predict growth in urban centers. Land size, level of economical development, and geographic region all influence the accuracy of UN urban-growth projections in a given country (Cohen 2006). Creating appropriate metrics to measure the environmental effects of urbanization can be challenging. For example, total impervious surface coverage (ISC; e.yard., roads, rooftops, parking lots) is often used as a metric that relates the effects of urbanization with the structure and office of lotic ecosystems (e.g., Wenger et al. 2008). However, ISC strongly depends on development status and total surface area in a given country. Countries with high ISC typically are college income and larger in area or total population than countries with lower ISC (Elvidge et al. 2007). In developing countries, total imperviousness might not be equally high relative to urban population growth in developed countries, especially in unplanned settlements where h2o infrastructure and paved roads are express and where the demand to grow food may enhance vegetative and soil cover relative to in higher-income areas (Biggs et al. 2010). Therefore, to measure the effects of urbanization on the structure and function of stream ecosystems in lower-income economies effectively, scientists, resource managers, and policy-makers must standardize the classification of urbanization, obtain the data needed to brand consistent projections of urban growth throughout the globe, and define metrics that tin can be used to estimate evolution and environmental furnishings in lower-income urban centers.

Toward meliorate management of urban streams in developing regions

More than 3.four billion people worldwide are living with intense threats to water security, including many residents of China, India, and Mexico and large regions of Africa, Asia, and S America (Vörösmarty et al. 2010). Investments in applied science or infrastructure can mitigate water-security problems (Vörösmarty et al. 2010). College-income countries may be able to avoid the loss of some ecosystem services provided past urban watersheds through increased financial investments (e.g., for water filtration). In contrast, lower-income economies may not be buffered confronting major threats to water security because they cannot use expensive infrastructure and technology to alleviate environmental problems (Vörösmarty et al. 2010).

Insufficient water infrastructure has directly, negative economic effects (Vörösmarty et al. 2010). Lack of admission to prophylactic drinking water and sanitation tin can cost a land between one and 7% of their gross domestic production (UN-Water 2012). In about developing countries, drinking water and sanitation are managed in a decentralized manner at the local level (United nations-H2o 2012). When implemented effectively, decentralized systems might be the near practical and affordable selection for many lower-income economies (WHO 2005) considering they offering increased capacity to conform to electric current demand when compared to end-of-piping centralized treatment facilities requiring large upfront investments of capital (Ashley and Cashman 2006).

Funding infrastructure initiatives must have into account local environmental and social conditions to promote sustainable urban development and to limit negative furnishings on urban streams. In many developing countries, nigh of the funding (in some cases, up to 90%) used to back up increased sanitation comes from governments of higher-income countries or international organizations, such as the Earth Bank (Un-H2o 2012). Approximately lxx% of the full funds allocated are directed to addressing sanitation challenges in urban areas (UN-Water 2012). By working together, international funding agencies and the governments of lower-income economies may exist able to use existing data and financial resource to develop stiff policy guidelines. Research programs in which freshwater scientists, political scientists, urban planners, engineers, and evolution agencies work together to examine the influence of governance on the quality of services provided by urban watersheds may bear witness especially fruitful.

The need is great to build local, human resources by increasing opportunities for training and formal education in aquatic environmental, hydrology, and engineering in the developing earth. In many, if not most, low-income countries, high-level enquiry questions that have been identified by leading experts in urban stream ecology would be exceptionally challenging to answer (due east.grand., Wenger et al. 2009). The famine of bachelor information and, in many cases, a lack of the physical or human being resources needed to conduct the enquiry render many fields of enquiry untenable. Moreover, we argue that freshwater ecologists need to examine interactions among economical development, urbanization, and pollution of freshwater resources to inform management strategies at local, regional, and national scales in the developing world.

Successful management of urban watersheds requires integration of innovative technological approaches and ecosystem-based management into development and maintenance of wastewater and drinking-water infrastructure. This ubiquitous ecology problem challenges us to develop new and to enhance existing uses for sewage and other wastewater. Nosotros repeat the sentiments of Vörösmarty et al. (2010) and Dodds et al. (2013) and assert that if we are going to protect global freshwater resources and ensure the provisioning of freshwater ecosystem services, more research is needed to understand the effects of anthropogenic stressors on fresh waters in lower-income countries. Sustainable management of urban watersheds necessitates the creation of innovative financing schemes that support economical development through task training, development of new industries, and creation of interdisciplinary research teams addressing stakeholder-driven research questions.

Acknowledgements

We thank the other organizers of and participants in the three^rd Symposium on Urbanization and Stream Ecology (SUSE3) who inspired this work. SUSE3 was funded, in office, by the National Science Foundation (DEB 1427007). Our paper was enhanced past comments from Associate Editor Ashley Moerke, Seth Wenger, Editor Pamela Silver, and 2 bearding referees. Any apply of trade, firm, or product names is for descriptive purposes only and does not imply endorsement by the U.s. Regime.

Notes

*. BRIDGES is a recurring feature of FWS intended to provide a forum for the interchange of ideas and information relevant to FWS readers, only across the usual scope of a scientific paper. Articles in this serial will span from aquatic ecology to other disciplines, e.1000., political science, economics, teaching, chemistry, or other biological sciences. Papers may be complementary or take alternative viewpoints. Authors with ideas for topics should contact BRIDGES Co-Editors, Allison Roy ([e-mail protected]) and Sally Entrekin ([electronic mail protected]).

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Source: https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/full/10.1086/684945

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